May 18, 2013

Colorado Supreme Court: Petitions Concerning Administrative Matters Cannot Be Ballot Initiatives

On Monday, February 11, 2013, the Colorado Court of Appeals issued its opinion in Vagneur v. City of Aspen.

Municipal Corporations—Matters Subject to Initiative.

The Supreme Court considered whether two citizen-initiated proposed ordinances regarding the design and construction of a state highway entrance to the City of Aspen were administrative in character and therefore outside the scope of the initiative power reserved to the people under article V, §§ 1(1) and 1(9), of the Colorado Constitution. The Court held that the proposed initiatives were administrative in character and therefore were not a proper exercise of the people’s initiative power. It therefore affirmed the judgment of the court of appeals.

Summary and full case available here.

Colorado Supreme Court: Title Board Lacked Authority to Act Where Fewer than Both Representatives Appeared at Rehearing

The Colorado Supreme Court issued its opinion in In the Matter of Title, Ballot Title, and Submission Clause for Proposed Initiatives 2001-2012 Nos. 67, 68, and 69; Hayes v. Ottke; In the Matter of Title, Ballot Title, and Submission Clause for Proposed Initiatives 2011-2012 Nos. 94 and 95; Walter v. Staelin on Monday, January 7, 2013.

Ballot Title—Statutory Interpretation—CRS §1-40-106—Public Meeting—Designated Representatives.

Petitioners filed original proceedings pursuant to CRS §1-40-107(2), asserting that the Title Board lacked authority to take action with respect to challenged titles because fewer than both of the designated representatives of the Initiative’s proponents appeared at the rehearings. CRS §1-40-106(4)(a) requires “[e]ach designated representative” to appear at “any title board meeting at which the designated representative’s ballot issue is considered,” and CRS §1-40-106(4)(d) states that “[t]he title board shall not set a title for a ballot issue if either designated representative of the proponents fails to appear at a title board meeting.” Consequently, the Supreme Court held that the Title Board lacks authority to set title or take action with respect to challenged titles where fewer than both designated representatives appear at a rehearing. Therefore, the Court reversed the actions of the Title Board in these cases.

Summary and full case available here.

Beat the Crowds on Election Day—Early Voting and Mail-In Ballots

It may seem distant now, but last year at this time the election focus was on Egypt and the elections in that country. Citizens lined up in very long queues to have the opportunity to vote for their leader. The images are striking, representing the sanctity of choice and election.

In this country, we do not usually have to wait in lines longer than city blocks in order to cast our votes. Poll centers are conveniently located, and we even have early voting and mail-in ballots. Still, there are frequently lines on Election Day, some that may seem interminable.

If you would prefer to avoid the lines on Election Day, there are some excellent options. Early voting locations are scattered throughout Colorado; click here to find one in your county. You can find your Election Day voting location here as well.

Mail-in ballots are another great way to beat the crowds. If you requested a mail-in ballot, you have until 7 p.m. on November 6, 2012 to get it to a drop off center. If you already mailed your ballot in and it has been returned for correction, you can submit your corrected ballot any time up to 7 p.m. on November 6. You can even track the progress of your mail-in ballot at www.govotecolorado.com.

If you are undecided on the ballot issues and would like more information, you can get the official Blue Book 2012 here. Or, for information on judicial retention, go to the Know Your Judge website. Another good website, Just Vote Colorado, provides nonpartisan information and resources. Vote early, vote by mail, vote on Election Day—just vote.

Spark the Discussion: No Love Supreme – Colorado Courts Continue to Rule Against Medical Marijuana Patients

“Spark the Discussion” is a monthly Legal Connection column highlighting the hottest trends in the emerging field of medical marijuana law. This column is brought to you by Vicente Sederberg, LLC, a full-service, community-focused medical marijuana law firm.

By Brian Vicente, Esq. and Rachelle Yeung

Leonard Charles Watkins has long suffered pancreatitis, which causes him debilitating chronic pain and for which he has been hospitalized three times. Watkins’ doctor recommended he use marijuana to reduce his suffering, so Watkins lawfully applied and qualified to be a medical marijuana patient. In February 2012, the Colorado Court of Appeals revoked Watkins’ ability to treat his illness with this state-approved medicine.

In 2008, Watkins pled guilty to a class three felony – unrelated to any controlled substances – for which he received six years’ probation. His probation conditions required that Watkins “not use or possess any narcotic, dangerous or abusable substance without a prescription,” and that he “not commit another offense” for the duration of his probation. However, after Watkins explained his medical condition to his judge, the trial court issued an order approving his use of medical marijuana.

The Arapahoe District Attorney filed a motion to reconsider, which the trial court denied in an extensive written order. The Prosecution then appealed the denial and the Court of Appeals reversed the trial court’s order, thus denying Watkins the use of this medicine.

Under Colorado law, trial courts are required to set as a condition of probation that probationers “not commit another offense.” C.R.S. 18-1.3-204(1). The Court of Appeals wrote in its opinion that “[t]he Colorado statute itself does not define the term [offense].” People v. Watkins, — P.3d —, 2012 WL 310776 (Colo. App. 2012). However, the Colorado Criminal Code – where the probation statutes can also be found – defines “offense” as “a violation of, or conduct defined by, any state statute for which a fine or imprisonment may be imposed.” C.R.S. 18-1-104(1). It is undisputed that Watkins’ use of medical marijuana was permissible within state law. Yet, despite this straightforward practice in statutory interpretation, the Court of Appeals expanded the meaning of “offense” beyond its unambiguous definition and determined that it included violations of federal law.

To be clear, this is not a broad determination that federal law preempts state medical marijuana laws – simply that the Court of Appeals interpreted one particular statute to take federal prohibition into account.

Relying heavily on its recent decision in Beinor, the Court of Appeals affirmed that marijuana could not be legally “prescribed,” and that therefore Watkins’ lawful medical use of marijuana was a violation of the condition that he not use or possess “any narcotic, dangerous or abusable substance without a prescription.” Beinor v. Indus. Claim Appeals Office, 262 P.3d 970 (Colo. App. 2011). Without further reasoning, the Court of Appeals again echoed the Beinor opinion and held that Amendment 20, Colorado’s original medical marijuana law, did not extend a constitutional right to patients, but merely protected patients from criminal prosecution under limited circumstances.

Recently, the medical marijuana advocacy group, Sensible Colorado, teamed up with the ACLU to file an appeal on Watkins behalf. The Colorado Supreme Court denied this appeal and brandished Watkins, and other sick medical marijuana patients like him, probation violators if they use their doctor-recommended medicine. Specifically, the Watkins decision set forth a sweeping precedent that “neither Petitioner [Watkins] nor any other probationer in Colorado – regardless of the underlying offense, the circumstances of the probationer’s illness, or the trial court’s view – may use medical marijuana.” Petition for Writ of Certiori at 4, Watkins, — P.3d — (Colo. App. 2012).

Despite this seemingly bleak decision, medical marijuana patients are not always condemned to suffer while on probation. It is still the law that a trial court judge’s decision to not revoke probation cannot be appealed, regardless of any probation violations. It may be little comfort, but patients can still hope that sympathetic trial court judges will simply refuse to revoke their probation for medical marijuana use. The passage of Amendment 64, the Act to Regulate Marijuana Like Alcohol, which is on the statewide ballot this November, may further prompt the judicial branch to align their decisions with the will of the People.

Brian Vicente, Esq., is a founding member of Vicente Consulting, LLC, a law firm providing legal solutions for the medical marijuana community. He also serves as executive director of Sensible Colorado, the state’s leading non-profit working for medical marijuana patients and providers. Brian is the chair of the Denver Mayor’s Marijuana Policy Review Panel, serves on the Colorado Department of Revenue Medical Marijuana Oversight Panel, and coordinates the Colorado Bar Association’s Drug Policy Project.

The opinions and views expressed by Featured Bloggers on CBA-CLE Legal Connection do not necessarily represent the opinions and views of the Colorado Bar Association, the Denver Bar Association, or CBA-CLE, and should not be construed as such.

Spark the Discussion: Supreme Court Leaves Patients Behind

“Spark the Discussion” is a monthly Legal Connection column highlighting the hottest trends in the emerging field of medical marijuana law. This column is brought to you by Vicente Sederberg, LLC, a full-service, community-focused medical marijuana law firm.

By Brian Vicente, Esq. and Rachelle Yeung

Jason Beinor was a street sweeper, assigned to sweep the 16th Street Mall with a broom and dustpan. He had a clean employment record, with no written reprimands or warnings. Yet he was fired from his job and disqualified from receiving unemployment benefits.

Beinor suffers from debilitating migraine headaches – a lasting, painful consequence of a prior assault. Like 96,000 other Coloradans, Beinor is a legal medical marijuana patient, and occasionally uses this substance in an off-work capacity to ameliorate his suffering. Unfortunately for Beinor, a random drug test in February 2010 tested positive for marijuana, costing him his job.

Beinor never used or possessed marijuana while on the job, and his private medical use never interfered with his job performance. However, under his employer’s zero-tolerance policy, the residual, non-psychoactive THC in Beinor’s system was considered an illegal drug, and Beinor was immediately terminated. Because Beinor believed he had been fired through no fault of his own – his marijuana had been doctor-recommended and lawfully-obtained – he filed for unemployment compensation benefits. He was denied, the Colorado Court of Appeals upheld the decision. Beinor v. Indus. Claim Appeals Office, 262 P.3d 970 (Colo. App. 2011). Recently, the Colorado Supreme Court denied to review the case.

Under Colorado statutes “[t]he presence in an individual’s system, during working hours, of not medically prescribed controlled substances” disqualifies that employee from benefits. Beinor had THC metabolites, the non-psychoactive reside of marijuana – in his system during working hours. But he thought he was safe because it had been medically recommended to him. Unfortunately, the written documentation physicians provide their patients recommending medical use of marijuana is specifically not a “prescription”. This is where federal law comes into play.

Doctors across the country must be registered with the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) in order to lawfully prescribe medication. However, because of marijuana’s classification as a Schedule I drug under the federal Controlled Substances Act, registered doctors cannot prescribe marijuana, but only recommend it. Indeed, their recommendations must clearly state, “[t]his assessment is not a prescription for the use of marijuana.” Thus, Beinor’s medical marijuana was considered “not medically prescribed.”

In the grand scheme of things, legal technicalities such as whether a doctor’s written recommendation is considered a “prescription” wouldn’t matter if Beinor and other patients had a constitutional right to use marijuana. However, the majority of the Colorado Court of Appeals in Beinor did not interpret Amendment 20, Colorado’s original medical marijuana law passed in 2000, to grant that right. Instead, it determined Amendment 20 only created limited exceptions to state criminal laws for patients, primary caregivers, and physicians concerning the medical use of marijuana.

The Court pointed specifically to a clause in Amendment 20 that reads: “Nothing in this section shall require any employer to accommodate the medical use of marijuana in any work place.” As Judge Gabriel, who dissented from the majority, astutely pointed out, Beinor never used marijuana in his work place, and that provision does not logically include “the presence of marijuana in one’s blood after the lawful use of medical marijuana at home.” Judge Gabriel further observes that, under such an interpretation of the law, “many patients who are eligible to use medical marijuana would likely abandon their right to do so, because even lawful use at home would put their benefits, and perhaps even their jobs, at risk.”

The majority’s decision has significantly deteriorated the rights and protections that medical marijuana patients believed they had. On a positive note, there is another case before the Colorado Supreme Court, regarding a patient whose probation was revoked due to his lawful, medical use of marijuana. If the Supreme Court grants review to that case, it may be able to begin reversing a dangerous growing trend of discrimination against medical marijuana patients, perpetuated by the Court of Appeals.

Another way to solidify the rights of patients would be the passage of Amendment 64, the Act to Regulate Marijuana Like Alcohol, which Coloradans will vote on in November. Unlike the medical marijuana amendment, whose ambiguous language left it vulnerable to manipulation, Amendment 64 clearly declares adult use of marijuana to be legal, thereby circumventing any restrictive interpretation such as was seen in the Beinor.

Brian Vicente, Esq., is a founding member of Vicente Consulting, LLC, a law firm providing legal solutions for the medical marijuana community. He also serves as executive director of Sensible Colorado, the state’s leading non-profit working for medical marijuana patients and providers. Brian is the chair of the Denver Mayor’s Marijuana Policy Review Panel, serves on the Colorado Department of Revenue Medical Marijuana Oversight Panel, and coordinates the Colorado Bar Association’s Drug Policy Project.

The opinions and views expressed by Featured Bloggers on CBA-CLE Legal Connection do not necessarily represent the opinions and views of the Colorado Bar Association, the Denver Bar Association, or CBA-CLE, and should not be construed as such.

Spark the Discussion: Hemp for Victory

“Spark the Discussion” is a monthly Legal Connection column highlighting the hottest trends in the emerging field of medical marijuana law. This column is brought to you by Vicente Sederberg, LLC, a full-service, community-focused medical marijuana law firm.

By Brian Vicente, Esq. and Rachelle Yeung

In the final weeks of the Colorado legislative session, while House Democrats and Republicans were fiercely battling over same-sex civil unions, a landmark piece of drug policy reform legislation snuck through the Legislature nearly unopposed. The “Hemp Bill,” or HB 12-1099, sets up the framework for the study and use of industrial hemp, and seeks to use this “taboo” crop to clean up contaminated soil through a process called phytoremediation.

The passage of the Hemp Bill is a victory in a 70-year long battle against the prohibition of marijuana and a turning point towards a more sensible approach to drug policy. The regulation of marijuana is a topic of increasing importance to Colorado voters because of Amendment 64, the statewide ballot initiative to regulate marijuana like alcohol, which will be voted on in November. Amendment 64 would also make Colorado the first state in the nation to regulate the cultivation, processing, and sale of industrial hemp.

Historically, hemp production was encouraged in the United States – from being one of the most important crops in colonial America to being promoted by the federal government in a World War II film called “Hemp for Victory.” However, growing hemp has been outlawed since the Controlled Substances Act, because of its close association with marijuana.

Though it shares the same genus (“Cannabis sativa L.”) as its better-known cousin, industrial hemp is distinguished from marijuana by its low concentration of the psychoactive ingredient tetrahydrocannabinols, or THC. Industrial hemp contains no more than three-tenths of a percent of THC.

Several factors make Colorado a particularly compelling candidate for hemp-based phytoremediation. Extensive mining throughout the state has left vast tracts of land contaminated with toxic waste. Phytoremediation would remove those toxins from the ground, which could then be used for agriculture and cattle grazing which are cornerstones of the state’s economy. Finally, a plant requiring very little water to grow – like hemp – is a necessity in a water-constrained state like Colorado.

The use of industrial hemp in phytoremediation is not entirely novel. In 1986, the explosion at the Chernobyl Nuclear Plant caused severe radioactive contamination in areas up to 100 km away. Soil in that area became saturated with toxic waste and heavy-metals which rendered it useless for agriculture. In 1998, a group called PHYTOTECH began growing hemp in the area to decontaminate the soil and, according to Slavik Dushenkov, a research scientist with the company, “Hemp prov[ed] to be one of the best phytoremediative plants we have been able to find.”

Activists hope that phytoremediation is just the introduction of industrial hemp into mainstream use. Hemp is cheap and easy to grow, requiring few pesticides and no herbicides. It can be used in textiles, construction materials, paper products, and even body care products. Hemp seed is considered a “superfood” – a good source of protein and dietary fiber, high in B-vitamins and essential omega-3 and omega-6 fatty acids. Hemp can even be reduced to ethanol and biofuel, a boon to our petroleum-addicted society. Some activists go so far as calling hemp “the plant that could save the world.”

A similar bill was introduced in the Colorado Legislature in 1994 by then-Senator Loyd Casey, but received only a single, sad vote before disappearing into history. If Governor Hickenlooper gives this year’s HB-1099 his stamp of approval – and given its support in the Legislature, there is no reason he would not – Colorado could become the first state in the nation to grow industrial hemp since the 1930s.

Brian Vicente, Esq., is a founding member of Vicente Consulting, LLC, a law firm providing legal solutions for the medical marijuana community. He also serves as executive director of Sensible Colorado, the state’s leading non-profit working for medical marijuana patients and providers. Brian is the chair of the Denver Mayor’s Marijuana Policy Review Panel, serves on the Colorado Department of Revenue Medical Marijuana Oversight Panel, and coordinates the Colorado Bar Association’s Drug Policy Project.The opinions and views expressed by Featured Bloggers on CBA-CLE Legal Connection do not necessarily represent the opinions and views of the Colorado Bar Association, the Denver Bar Association, or CBA-CLE, and should not be construed as such.

Colorado Supreme Court: Proposed Ballot Initiative Contains Single Subject and Thus Complies with Colorado Constitution and Statutes

The Colorado Supreme Court issued its opinion in In the Matter of the Title, Ballot Title, and Submission Clause for 2011–2012 #45: Kemper v. Hamilton on April 16, 2012.

Ballot and Election—Single Subject—Clear Title.

The Supreme Court affirmed the Title Board’s determination that proposed initiative 2011–2012 #45 contains a single subject—“public control of waters.” The initiative thus complies with the Colorado Constitution and with CRS § 1-40-106.5. In addition, the initiative’s title, ballot title, and submission clause clearly and fairly express the single subject of the initiative, and therefore comply with the Colorado Constitution and with CRS § 1-40-106.

Summary and full case available here.

Colorado Supreme Court: Proposed Ballot Initiative Contains Single Subject and Thus Complies with Colorado Constitution and Statutes

The Colorado Supreme Court issued its opinion in In the Matter of the Title, Ballot Title, and Submission Clause for 2011–2012 #3: Kemper v. Hamilton on April 16, 2012.

Ballot and Election—Single Subject—Clear Title.

The Supreme Court affirmed the Title Board’s determination that proposed initiative 2011–2012 #3 contains a single subject—“the public’s rights in the waters of natural streams.” The initiative thus complies with the Colorado Constitution and with CRS § 1-40-106.5. In addition, the initiative’s title, ballot title, and submission clause clearly and fairly express the single subject of the initiative, and therefore comply with the Colorado Constitution and with CRS § 1-40-106.

Summary and full case available here.

Spark the Discussion: Amendment 64 and Medical Marijuana

“Spark the Discussion” is a monthly Legal Connection column highlighting the hottest trends in the emerging field of medical marijuana law. This column is brought to you by Vicente Sederberg, LLC, a full-service, community-focused medical marijuana law firm.

It’s official.  Coloradoans will be voting this November on Amendment 64, the Regulate Marijuana Like Alcohol Act.  This landmark legislation raises many issues which will be widely debated (and discussed in this column) in upcoming months as Colorado considers becoming the first state in the nation—and the first geographic area in the world—to make the possession, use, and regulated production and distribution of marijuana legal for adults 21 and older.

How will this Constitutional amendment affect current medical marijuana users, medical marijuana businesses, and the lawyers that advise them?  Here are some quick bullet points which provide an overview of Amendment 64 and explore its relationship to Colorado’s existing medical marijuana laws.

Amendment 64 DOES:

  • Create legal marijuana retail stores that are authorized to sell to adults 21 and older.
  • License cultivation facilities, product manufacturing facilities, and testing facilities for this adult market with licenses expected to be issued in 2014.
  • Direct the Colorado Department of Revenue to regulate the cultivation, production (including infused products), and distribution of marijuana.
  • Allow local municipalities to ban or restrict these new business licenses at any time through a local governing body, but citizen-initiated bans can only go in front of voters in “even year” general elections.
  • Require the general assembly to enact an excise tax of up to 15 percent on the wholesale sale of non-medical marijuana applied at the point of transfer from the cultivation facility to a retail store or product manufacturer, with the first $40 million of revenue raised annually directed to the Public School Capital Construction Assistance Fund.
  • Allow for the cultivation, processing, and sale of industrial hemp.

Amendment 64 DOES NOT:

  • Change existing medical marijuana laws for patients, caregivers, and medical marijuana businesses.
  • Subject medical marijuana sales to the excise tax discussed above.
  • Change existing laws regarding driving under the influence of marijuana, or the ability of employers to maintain their current employment policies.

In summary, all medical marijuana laws—both statutory and Constitutional—will remain 100% intact if Amendment 64 passes.  Of course, the initiative does not change federal law, which has categorized marijuana—whether for medical use or not—as firmly illegal for decades.  Given this federal stance, combined with the fact that the federal government has allowed several hundred medical marijuana stores to thrive in Colorado, it is difficult to say how the federal government may react to Amendment 64’s passage.  Regardless, marijuana advocates have included a generous timeline in Amendment 64—no marijuana retail business licenses are required to be issued until 2014—which leaves ample time to “take the temperature” of the state and federal governments before anyone applies for these new licenses.

To read the full initiative see:  http://www.regulatemarijuana.org/about#Initiative

Brian Vicente, Esq., is a founding member of Vicente Consulting, LLC, a law firm providing legal solutions for the medical marijuana community. He also serves as executive director of Sensible Colorado, the state’s leading non-profit working for medical marijuana patients and providers. Brian is the chair of the Denver Mayor’s Marijuana Policy Review Panel, serves on the Colorado Department of Revenue Medical Marijuana Oversight Panel, and coordinates the Colorado Bar Association’s Drug Policy Project.

The opinions and views expressed by Featured Bloggers on CBA-CLE Legal Connection do not necessarily represent the opinions and views of the Colorado Bar Association, the Denver Bar Association, or CBA-CLE, and should not be construed as such.

Proposed Legislation for Paid Sick and Safe Time Fails to Pass in Denver

Initiative 300, which would have required Denver employers to provide paid sick and safe time to their employees, was rejected by Denver voters in yesterday’s election. The issue failed by a 2-1 ratio. The initiative would have required city employers to give workers paid sick days at a rate of one hour off per every 30 hours worked. Large businesses would have had to supply up to nine days of paid leave per year, with small businesses having that number capped at five.

Initiative 300 was the subject of a Legal Connection point/counterpoint discussion last month. Those articles can be found here and here.

Point / Counterpoint: Initiative 300 Is a Bad Law for Denver and Not What the Doctor Ordered

Editor’s Note: this Point/Counterpoint series will focus on Initiative 300, which appears on the November 2011 ballot in Denver. The initiative aims to provide paid sick and safe time for Denver workers. Click here to read Initiative 300 for yourself. The Colorado Bar Association CLE also welcomes your comments on the issue. No matter what type of law you practice or how you come down on the issue, please feel free to continue the discussion in the comments section below.

The other side of this Point/Counterpoint can be found here.

I would like to start by thanking Linda Meric for agreeing to submit a point-counterpoint to the Colorado Bar Association CLE. I have known Linda since she worked for the Service Employees International Union. We have been on opposing sides many times, and also agree on even more issues. Unfortunately when it comes to Initiative 300, the safe and sick leave proposal in Denver, it seems we find ourselves in disagreement again.

If passed, proponents would have voters believe they won’t be served by sick waiters, eat food cooked by sick chefs, or have their temperature taken by sick nurses. If you’re reading this on the Colorado Bar Association CLE’s website, you are probably an attorney. You almost certainly work in an office that offers sick leave. Yet, don’t we all know people who could stay home but come to work with every cold? Initiative 300 won’t change that.

That’s why opponents include the Colorado Hospital Initiative, which points out this law does not translate into a healthier workforce. Additional opponents include Denver Mayor Hancock, Governor Hickenlooper, the Denver Metro Chamber of Commerce, the Hispanic Chamber of Commerce of Metro Denver, the Colorado Black Chamber of Commerce, the Colorado Women’s Chamber of Commerce, and the list goes on. A detailed list is available at the No-On-300 campaign’s website.

Initiative 300 Is Bad Law

I’d like to be very clear. I know Linda and her colleagues only want what is best for Denver. As an attorney who has represented employers for 20 years, I too have tried to make our workplaces more productive, more profitable, and more secure. Even if we could afford Initiative 300 (and as I explain below, we can’t), it’s poorly drafted and invites unproductive litigation.

Employers would be required to provide a half-hour of paid “sick and safe” leave for every 30 hours worked. “Safe and sick leave” would be capped at either 72 hours (9 days) per employee per year, for employers of 10 or more people, or 40 hours (5 days) per year, for employers of fewer than 10 people.

Employees who work 40 or more hours per year in the City and County of Denver would be eligible for this new leave even if they only work part-time or temporarily. As opponents correctly point out, Initiative 300, therefore, would single out Denver employers. Only companies that employ people within Denver would be required to provide this leave. Why disadvantage Denver’s employers in this increasingly competitive environment?

Worse, in an example of the Initiative’s poor drafting, it would apply to any company that employs someone for more than 40 hours in Denver per year. A company that is located outside Denver but has people working inside Denver would trigger the law. Consider a simple pizza restaurant on the edge of Denver in, say, Aurora. This law would reach out and purports to command compliance by that company. How is that even possible legally? Even more troubling, none of the company’s other employees would be entitled to this leave, only the delivery person who accumulates more than 40 hours of work in Denver per year.

Perhaps one example of poor drafting makes the point best. Unlike any other employment law, Initiative 300 would create a legal presumption of retaliation. If a company disciplines, much less discharges, a worker within 90 days after an individual takes such leave, retaliation is presumed. Leave can be taken in as little as 1-hour increments, which means an employee can take leave frequently throughout the year. In other words, there may never be a 90+ day period of time after an employee takes leave to shield employers from this presumption.

Large employers and their counsel should not ignore Initiative 300. They may feel that since their company/client already provides paid sick leave, Initiative 300 won’t change anything. Not true. It will have a major cost even to such employers. Not only would it create this presumption of retaliation, but the initiative will require additional leave. Proposed section 28-244(a) says only that this new leave does not displace any leave policy that “is more generous than the one required herein.” The proposed Act does not define what is “more generous” or how this can be determined.

Indeed, no employer is currently offering the same levels of safe or sick leave that the Initiative would require. For example, “safe” leave is defined in section 28-237(a)(2) of Initiative 300 to include a number of things for which paid leave is not currently available at most employers, such as time “making the employee’s home secure from the perpetrator of the act of domestic abuse, stalking or sexual assault or other crime involving domestic violence or seeking new housing to escape said perpetrator.”

Likewise, section 28-237(a)(1) of Initiative 300 defines “sick” leave to include additional kinds of paid leave that are not currently available at most employers, such as time spent caring for a family member. This would effectively constitute paid FMLA leave.

San Francisco

Comparisons to San Francisco’s sick/safe leave law are incorrect. Denver’s proposed law, unlike San Francisco’s, would actually prohibit an employer from requiring documentation of the need for leave if the employee takes the leave in blocks of less than 3 consecutive days. San Francisco’s law also does not raise the “pizza delivery” problem. Lastly, San Francisco’s law allows employers and unions to collectively bargain different or even no safe/sick leave rights, unlike Denver’s.

Initiative 300 Is Just Too Costly

The costs of this initiative will be high. The City and County of Denver has calculated its costs, alone, will be $690,050. A small employer can anticipate just over $1,000 per year per employee, and an employer of 10 or more, more than twice that. Larger employers will effectively be paying the cost of one more worker for every 30 they currently employ.

Proponents concede Initiative 300 will be costly. They challenge the $690,050 estimate and recently commissioned their own analysis. Their report still ended up with an estimate of $277,179 for the cost to the City.

Whether it’s $690,050 or $277,179, the Mayor and the majority of City Council are right: It is too much at a time when the City is struggling to meet budget.

In short, Initiative 300 is a well-intentioned but poorly drafted law. It is exactly not what the doctor prescribed for Denver’s economy.

Bill C. Berger, Esq., is a shareholder at Brownstein Hyatt Farber Schreck, LLC. His practice emphasizes the representation of management and employers in labor and employment law matters, including both preventive counseling and litigation. Reach him at (303) 223-1178.

The opinions and views expressed by contributors to CBA-CLE Legal Connection do not necessarily represent the opinions and views of the Colorado Bar Association, the Denver Bar Association, or CBA-CLE, and should not be construed as such.

Point / Counterpoint: Initiative 300 Is a Good Law that Provides for a Healthier Denver

Editor’s Note: this Point/Counterpoint series will focus on Initiative 300, which appears on the November 2011 ballot in Denver. The initiative aims to provide paid sick and safe time for Denver workers. Click here to read Initiative 300 for yourself. The Colorado Bar Association CLE also welcomes your comments on the issue. No matter what type of law you practice or how you come down on the issue, please feel free to continue the discussion in the comments section below.

The other side of this Point/Counterpoint can be found here.

Denver voters have the opportunity to make Denver a healthier place to live, stabilize working families, make businesses more productive, and strengthen the local economy by supporting Initiative 300. This measure will allow all workers employed in Denver to earn paid sick days to care for themselves or a family member when sick without jeopardizing their financial security.

Paid sick days will make Denver a healthier place to live and work.

There are 107,000 lower-wage workers in Denver who don’t have access to paid sick days – most have lots of interaction with the public at their jobs in restaurants, childcare centers, and nursing homes – and that puts everyone’s health at risk.   When they’re sick, they have to choose whether to go to work sick and risk spreading contagion or struggle paying the bills at the end of the month.  Especially in this tough economy, that’s a choice no one can afford to make.

Three out of four restaurant workers in Denver have no paid sick days and face this decision every time they get sick.  Laura, a Denver coffeeshop barista, knows she shouldn’t have reported to work with a severe cold last winter, but she did anyway to pay that month’s rent.  And Laura isn’t alone.  A national survey of restaurant workers found that nearly two-thirds have cooked or served food while sick, and that’s unhealthy for them and their co-workers – and you, their customers.

When workers are able to earn paid sick days, it makes a healthier community for all of us to live in. That’s why more than 160 Colorado public health groups, faith leaders, community organizations, labor groups, elected officials, and businesses are asking Denver voters to support Initiative 300.

Paid sick days make working families more secure.

Workers can take care of themselves, get preventive care, and help their children and other family members recuperate when they’re sick.  With paid sick days, workers don’t have to choose between being good employees and good parents.

Stronger, more secure families mean better schools for our children.  Parents with paid sick days are less likely to send a sick child to school.  When their parents are able to care for them at home, sick children get well sooner and reduce the risk of spreading illness to their classmates and teachers.  And they do better in school.

Paid sick days are good for businesses.

Businesses benefit because paid sick days decrease the spread of illness in the workplace, increase worker productivity, and protect customers, far outweighing the modest cost of implementing the policy.  In fact, paid sick days will save Denver businesses nearly $600 per year for each full-time worker by improving productivity and reducing turnover.

Paid sick days strengthen the economy by helping workers keep their jobs.

Economists say that job retention policies like paid sick days help reduce unemployment and strengthen the economy.  In San Francisco, which adopted a similar paid sick days law in 2007, two in three businesses now support the law; six in seven report no negative impact on profitability – including the restaurant association which at first opposed the law.  Since then, job growth in San Francisco has outpaced surrounding counties and the city was just named one of the top three in the world to do business.

Initiative 300 is easy to implement.

Business lobbyists have a long list of complaints about Initiative 300 – not one of which has been a problem in other cities with similar laws.  Paid sick days laws have passed legal scrutiny and challenge, and have proven easy to implement, easy to track, and haven’t led to problems for employers.

Some specific legal points about Initiative 300, which is patterned on laws passed in other cities:

  • Ordinance enforcement is in the Agency for Human Rights and Community Relations because it ALREADY has authority to conduct all aspects of enforcement – taking complaints, conducting investigations, holding hearings, providing conciliation, issuing orders, and imposing fines.
  • Municipal laws routinely apply to all businesses doing business within a city.  Initiative 300EXCLUDES employees working less than 40 hours in Denver, those with just a casual connection to the city.  This provision was added to protect business on the advice of those implementing San Francisco’s law, which also exempts workers with minimal contact with the city through regulation.
  • The commonplace 90-day non-retaliation protection ONLY applies to process, protecting those using legal remedies or cooperating with legal procedures.
  • Initiative 300 is clear that leave already provided by employers counts for purposes of the ordinance, as long as the leave is the same amount, and can be used for the same purposes.
  • State law already requires employers to offer unpaid leave for domestic violence reasons.  Under Initiative 300, employees can use paid time they accrue to get safe, but the ordinance doesn’t add leave for those purposes.
  • Initiative 300, like San Francisco regulations and other paid sick days laws, allows employers to require documentation after absences of 3 days.
  • Initiative 300, like the San Francisco and most other paid sick days laws, allows employers and unions to do something different or opt out of the ordinance through collective bargaining.
  • Nothing in Initiative 300 prevents employers from requiring employees to call in when sick, disciplining bad employees, or allowing shift-swapping.

The benefits of paid sick days far outweigh the cost.

The modest city investment – estimated by independent analysts at $277,000 – to implement Initiative 300 is small compared to the costs of not having paid sick days, including public health costs of sick workers on the job, increased emergency room usage, increased public assistance costs, and educational costs.

Who wants workers to be forced to work sick and spread contagion while they’re cooking and serving our food in restaurants, and taking care of our children and grandparents in schools, child care centers, and nursing homes?  Initiative 300 will make Denver a healthier city for all of us.

Linda Meric is the Denver-based Executive Director of 9to5, National Association of Working Women, a membership organization of low-wage women working to improve policy on workplace issues. 9to5 Colorado is one of the 160+ organizations in the Campaign for a Healthy Denver. Click here for more information.

The opinions and views expressed by contributors to CBA-CLE Legal Connection do not necessarily represent the opinions and views of the Colorado Bar Association, the Denver Bar Association, or CBA-CLE, and should not be construed as such.

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2013-05-18 06:05:09