June 19, 2013

Governor Hickenlooper Signed Amendment 64 Proclamation – Marijuana Legal in Colorado for Private, Personal Use

On Monday, December 10, 2012, Governor Hickenlooper signed an Executive Order that formalizes Amendment 64 as part of the Colorado Constitution. The Executive Order makes legal personal use and possession of small quantities of marijuana, as well as limited home-growing. It is still illegal to buy or sell marijuana, use it in public, or use it in a way that endangers others.

In addition to the Executive Order formalizing Amendment 64, Governor Hickenlooper signed another Executive Order to create a task force on the implementation of Amendment 64. The task force will create and enforce a regulatory structure. There will be 24 members of the task force, who were named by the governor in the Executive Order. The task force will be chaird by Jack Finlaw, the governor’s chief legal counsel, and Barbara Brohl, the Executive Director of the Colorado Department of Revenue.

The task force will address many issues related to the continuing regulation of marijuana, such as amending current laws regarding marijuana possession, sale, and distribution to reflect its legality; creating laws regarding security and labeling requirements for marijuana establishments; education efforts to address long-term health consequences of marijuana use; and the impact of Amendment 64 on employers and employees. The task force is expected to report back to the governor, the General Assembly, and the Attorney General by February 28, 2013.

The task force will also attempt to reconcile Colorado law with federal law so that the Colorado government and its employees will not be subject to prosecution. Governor Hickenlooper and Attorney General John Suthers wrote a letter to Eric Holder, the United States Attorney General, regarding the federal government’s position on Amendment 64, but the state has not yet received a response. Governor Hickenlooper stressed that he will attempt to retain as much flexibility as possible in order comply with federal laws.

For the governor’s complete press release, click here. To hear a panel discussion about the implications of Amendment 64 for Colorado, come to the live CLE program on December 18.

CLE Program: Marijuana and Hemp Law in Colorado – Amendment 64

This CLE presentation will take place on Tuesday, December 18, at 9:00 a.m. Click here to register or call (303) 860-0608. Can’t make the live program? Click here to register for the webcast.

 

Secretary of State Announces Election Integrity Listening Tour

On Friday, November 30, 2012, Secretary of State Scott Gessler announced that he will conduct five public meetings regarding election integrity and improvement of election performance. Gessler is looking for feedback on the recent elections and soliciting citizen comments on ways to improve.

The first listening stops will be on Wednesday, December 5, 2012. He will be at the Boulder Public Library from 10:00 to 11:30 am and at the South Metro Chamber of Commerce in Arapahoe County from 2:00 to 3:30 pm. On Thursday, December 6, 2012, he will be at Colorado State University – Pueblo from 10:30 am to noon and at the El Paso County Clerk & Recorder’s Office from 2:00 to 3:30 pm. Finally, on Wednesday, December 12, 2012, he will be at the Secretary of State’s Office in Denver and the hearing will be from 1:00 pm to 4:00 pm.

Click here for the official announcement.

Judicial Performance Evaluation Results Released as Voter Tool in Judicial Races

This fall, judges are running in contestable elections in 32 states and standing in yes/no retention elections in 17 states. Judicial elections are typically low-information contests, where voters may cast their ballots based on party affiliation, name recognition, or ballot position rather than on qualifications and experience.

But in a handful of states, voters will have the benefit of broad-based and objective evaluations of incumbent judges’ performance on the bench and, in one state, of the judicial potential of their challengers. These states include Alaska, Arizona, Colorado, Missouri, New Mexico, North Carolina, and Utah.

Each of these states has a judicial performance evaluation program, through which court users assess the legal ability, impartiality, temperament, and communication skills of the judges with whom they have interacted. Results of these surveys of court users are summarized and shared with voters, often in conjunction with objective data (e.g., reversal rates, case management statistics) and a voting recommendation.

Two recent polls highlight the need for readily available, nonpartisan information about judges running for reelection or standing for retention. In Indiana, where appellate judges and some trial judges stand for retention, a 2011 poll found that nearly one-third of respondents do not vote regularly in judicial elections, and the most common reason given for not always voting on judges is a lack of useful information. When asked whether they would find public performance evaluations helpful, two-thirds said it would be of great or some value.

Similarly, a 2012 voter poll in Minnesota—where judges run in contestable, nonpartisan elections—found that three-fourths of respondents would support the creation of a balanced public performance evaluation commission that would review judges’ performance and publish evaluation results.

“These polling results demonstrate that voters need more information to make informed decisions about the judges appearing on their ballots,” said Dr. Malia Reddick, director of the IAALS Quality Judges Initiative. “Judicial performance evaluation programs fill this void.”

“For more than three decades, the American Judicature Society has supported the use of judicial performance evaluation programs as a valuable informational tool for voters in judicial retention elections,” said AJS Executive Director Seth S. Andersen. “Surveys and exit polling demonstrate that voters use JPE results to make better-informed decisions on judges standing for retention. The key is to ensure that evaluation results are disseminated widely and are readily available to voters.”

“To be fair and impartial, judges must be protected from special interest and partisan influence while remaining accountable to the law and constitution,” said Bert Brandenburg, Executive Director of Justice at Stake. “By focusing on competence instead of ideology, JPE’s enable the public to choose fair, high-quality judges.”

Alli Gerkman is Director of Communications for IAALS, the Institute for the Advancement of the American Legal System at the University of Denver. IAALS is a national, independent research center dedicated to continuous improvement of the process and culture of the civil justice system. This post originally appeared on IAALS Online, the IAALS blog.

The opinions and views expressed by Featured Bloggers on CBA-CLE Legal Connection do not necessarily represent the opinions and views of the Colorado Bar Association, the Denver Bar Association, or CBA-CLE, and should not be construed as such.

Beat the Crowds on Election Day—Early Voting and Mail-In Ballots

It may seem distant now, but last year at this time the election focus was on Egypt and the elections in that country. Citizens lined up in very long queues to have the opportunity to vote for their leader. The images are striking, representing the sanctity of choice and election.

In this country, we do not usually have to wait in lines longer than city blocks in order to cast our votes. Poll centers are conveniently located, and we even have early voting and mail-in ballots. Still, there are frequently lines on Election Day, some that may seem interminable.

If you would prefer to avoid the lines on Election Day, there are some excellent options. Early voting locations are scattered throughout Colorado; click here to find one in your county. You can find your Election Day voting location here as well.

Mail-in ballots are another great way to beat the crowds. If you requested a mail-in ballot, you have until 7 p.m. on November 6, 2012 to get it to a drop off center. If you already mailed your ballot in and it has been returned for correction, you can submit your corrected ballot any time up to 7 p.m. on November 6. You can even track the progress of your mail-in ballot at www.govotecolorado.com.

If you are undecided on the ballot issues and would like more information, you can get the official Blue Book 2012 here. Or, for information on judicial retention, go to the Know Your Judge website. Another good website, Just Vote Colorado, provides nonpartisan information and resources. Vote early, vote by mail, vote on Election Day—just vote.

“Know Your Judge” Website a Tool for Colorado Voters in Judicial Races

This November, in addition to executive and legislative candidates, Colorado voters will be deciding whether or not to retain Colorado judges. Under Colorado’s system for selecting and retaining judges, all judges who will appear on the ballot must undergo a performance evaluation, the results of which are provided to the public as a tool for casting an informed retention vote. A website—www.knowyourjudge.com—is helping voters locate this information for the judges who will appear on their ballot.

Know Your Judge directs voters to the information provided by the Colorado Office of Judicial Performance Evaluation, including evaluation results for judges in each county, and court of appeals judges and supreme court justices who appear on ballots statewide. In addition to the evaluation results, which are presented in both narrative and detailed form, there is a recommendation of “retain,” “do not retain,” or “no opinion” for each evaluated judge based on that judge’s performance on the bench. These recommendations are carefully formulated by the Colorado Commissions on Judicial Performance, based on comprehensive data collected as part of the evaluation process.

Official judicial performance evaluation programs have been established in 17 states and the District of Columbia, and in seven of these states performance evaluation results are provided to voters for use in retention elections. The broad-based and objective performance information collected by these programs is particularly important given the growing number of anti-retention efforts against state court judges on the basis of individual rulings with which special interests may disagree. In both Iowa and Florida this election cycle, state supreme court justices standing for retention are facing anti-retention campaigns on the basis of a particular court decision. In Iowa, a similar effort in 2010 was successful in unseating the three supreme court justices standing for retention that year. Neither Iowa nor Florida has an official JPE program for the benefit of voters.

The Know Your Judge website was developed in 2010 to help draw attention to this resource for voters, and to provide Colorado citizens with information about how their judges are selected, evaluated, and retained. In a 2010 post-election poll, judicial performance evaluations were the most commonly mentioned source of information about Colorado judges, and more than 4 in 10 Coloradoans who visited the Know Your Judge website found it helpful in making their voting decisions.

The effort is sponsored by the Colorado Bar Association, in partnership with the Colorado Judicial Institute, the League of Women Voters® of Colorado Education Fund, and IAALS, the Institute for the Advancement of the American Legal System at the University of Denver.

Alli Gerkman is Director of Communications for IAALS, the Institute for the Advancement of the American Legal System at the University of Denver. IAALS is a national, independent research center dedicated to continuous improvement of the process and culture of the civil justice system. This post originally appeared on IAALS Online, the IAALS blog.

The opinions and views expressed by Featured Bloggers on CBA-CLE Legal Connection do not necessarily represent the opinions and views of the Colorado Bar Association, the Denver Bar Association, or CBA-CLE, and should not be construed as such.

Judicial Performance Evaluations Now Available Online for 2012 Election

The State Commission on Judicial Performance and local judicial district performance commissions have completed their evaluations of 90 judges who are scheduled to stand for retention in the November 6, 2012, election.  The non-partisan commissions are charged with providing voters with fair, responsible, and constructive evaluations of individual judges seeking retention, and providing judges with useful information concerning their performance.  The evaluations were made public online on August 7 and will be printed in the Blue Book, which is mailed to every active registered voter household in the state.

The judicial performance commissions evaluate judges on a wide range of criteria, including integrity, legal knowledge, communication skills, judicial temperament, and administrative performance.  To do this, commissions review information from several sources:  written opinions and decisions, caseload statistics, interviews, courtroom observations, judges’ self-evaluations, and independent surveys.   Earlier this year, surveys were sent to more than 50,000 people who have had recent involvement with the judges, including prosecutors, public defenders, and private attorneys, litigants, jurors, crime victims, law enforcement officers, court employees, court interpreters, and probation officers. The results of interim survey results from past years are also reviewed.

The commissions then produce a narrative for each judge with a recommendation of “retain,” “do not retain,” or “no opinion,” which are included in the “Blue Books” published by the Legislative Council.  The Blue Book is an informational booklet which provides voters with an analysis and arguments for and against every statewide ballot measure and also includes the evaluations of the judges standing for retention. The narrative, recommendation, and complete statistical survey results are now available on the Office of Judicial Performance Evaluation website and can be viewed here.

The volunteer members are appointed by the Colorado Chief Justice, Governor, President of the Senate, and Speaker of the House.  Each commission consists of 10 members:  six non-attorneys and four attorneys.

SB 12-135: Requiring Secretary of State to Establish an Online System for Posting Election Results

On January 31, 2012, Sen. Kevin Lundberg and Rep. Carole Murray introduced SB 12-135 – Concerning the Development of an On-Line Program to Which the Secretary  of State Posts Election Returns by the Evenings of Specified Election Days and, In Connection Therewith, Making an Appropriation. This summary is published here courtesy of the Colorado Bar Association’s e-Legislative Report.

The bill directs the Secretary of State to develop an on-line program for the posting of election returns on election night. Such postings are required for all statewide elections, commencing with the 2012 primary election. To implement the program, upon passage of the bill, $776,460 is appropriated to the department of state from the department of state cash fund. On February 13, the State, Veterans & Military Affairs referred the unamended bill to the Appropriations Committee for consideration of the fiscal impact to the state.

Summaries of other featured bills can be found here.

The Colorado Reform Roundtable, the Colorado Bar Association, and the Statement of Agreement (Part 2)

Editor’s Note: This is the second part of a two-part article on the Colorado Reform Roundtable and the proposed Statement of Agreement. Part 1 can be read here.

III. THE SPIRALING FINANCIAL CRISIS

To put the status of the current fiscal crisis in perspective, it is helpful to compare Colorado’s funding of various government services with the funding provided in other states.  According to census data compiled by the nonprofit Colorado Fiscal Policy Institute, as of 2008, the most recent data available, Colorado ranked 47th out of 50 states in total state spending per $1,000 of income.  Colorado was approximately $4.89 billion behind what it would take to move to the U.S. average in terms of investment in critical public services.  More specifically, measured again per $1,000 of income, Colorado in 2008 ranked 48th for investment in public education; 49th in covering families under Medicaid; 48th for higher education; and 48th for transportation and highways.

The CBA is of course more focused on funding for our state courts.  Colorado has fared little better, ranking 41st out of the 50 states per $1,000 of income in funding for its judiciary.

Funding must of course be viewed in the context of demand for services.  Looking back over the last decade, total district court filings have increased 55%, but district court civil filings have increased 221%.  Adjusted for inflation, judicial funding from the General Fund during this time has increased 29%.  The funding gap has been addressed in part by increasing the cost of access to justice.  Adjusted for inflation, cash funding, such as filing fees and attorney license fees, has increased 114%.  In other words, the cost of access to justice is being placed more and more on those in need of that access.

The Interim Long-Term Fiscal Stability Commission in 2009 issued a Final Report to the General Assembly.  It included a brief discussion of the judiciary.  It noted that the judicial branch needed $46 million additional dollars over its current funding to restore the cuts that had been made to the department and address the current backlog in cases.

The bigger concern, however, is not the past, or even the present, but the future.  Federal stimulus funds have ended.  As noted in an editorial in the Denver Post on October 16, 2011:  “Changes that would unravel incompatible fiscal directives in the state constitution are desperately needed, as are long-term stable revenue sources that would support core state missions . . .”

More recently, the CRR conveners have been analyzing the work of the DU Center for Colorado’s Economic Future.  The Center was created as part of the recommendations of the Colorado Economic Futures Panel.  The Panel in turn had been created by the University of Denver to examine the fiscal health of Colorado’s state and local governments and their ability to sustain fundamental public investments appropriate to Colorado’s long-term economic vitality.  The DU Center provides nonpartisan information and analysis of issues impacting the economic future of Colorado.

The Colorado legislature, pursuant to Senate Concurrent Resolution 10-002, had asked the DU Center to conduct a comprehensive review of the state government’s revenue system.  The review was conducted in two phases.  The Phase 1 Report, issued in April 2011, noted that although the state’s short-term budget problems continue to be daunting, the study was focused on Colorado’s long-term fiscal situation – the forces that will drive both revenue productivity and state government out to the year 2025 and beyond.  The objective was to “determine whether the state’s financial problems are simply a reflection of a contracting economy (a cyclical problem), a harbinger of longer-term imbalances (a structural problem), or both.”

The Phase I report concluded that the state’s budgetary woes are both cyclical and structural.  When the economy improves, tax collections will pick up.  Absent major changes in policy, however, a structural imbalance underlying the fiscal workings of state government will ensure that Colorado’s budget problems persist for many years to come.   “Even a strong recovery and sustained job growth over the next decade and a half will not produce enough income and sales tax revenue to afford Colorado’s share of Medicaid funding and the state’s payment for public schools under current constitutional and statutory provisions. Together with the rising (although more stable than in the past) cost of the state’s prison system, the two biggest programs in the state General Fund will continue to crowd out higher education and other programs competing for the same tax dollars.”  The report concluded:  “We find that our current General Fund financing system is in persistent, long-term structural imbalance. The sooner structural changes are undertaken, the less drastic these changes need be.”

In September 2011 The Center released its Phase 2 report.  It lays out options for addressing “a long-term structural imbalance between General Fund revenues and expenditures.”  A Summary of Phase 2 Findings begins as follows:  “Twelve years from now, Colorado will generate only enough sales, income and other general-purpose tax revenue to pay for the three largest programs in the General Fund – public schools, health care and prisons. There will be no tax revenue for public colleges and universities, no money for the state court system, nothing for child-protection services, nothing for youth corrections, nothing for state crime labs and nothing for other core services of state government.”  (Emphasis added.)

The DU Center’s conclusion:  “The enormity of this gap suggests that Coloradans consider both tax increases and spending cuts to fill it. Cutting programs to match revenues, without changing the structure of the current tax system, is unrealistic. While this study did not specifically examine how expenditures for each department could be trimmed, the degree of cuts necessary to rectify the structural imbalance likely prohibits an all-cuts solution.”

IV. THE CRR STATEMENT OF AGREEMENT

Having considered the Phase 1 and 2 reports and other similar information developed by groups like the Colorado Fiscal Policy Institute and the Bell Policy Center, the representatives of the conveners of CRR have drafted a “Statement of Agreement.”  They are requesting that the representatives of the CRR members present the Statement to their governing bodies for consideration and, if deemed appropriate, for approval.  The conveners’ purpose is to determine if there is a consensus among CRR members about the structural nature of the state’s fiscal crisis and, if not, why not.

The Statement provides in pertinent part, consistent with the conclusions in the DU Center Reports, that the imbalance between revenues and costs of services is in part structural and that additional revenue is needed to provide adequate and stable support for our essential public systems in the future.  The Statement recognizes the continuing need to scrutinize expenditures, assess priorities, explore new strategies, and insist on frugal and efficient government.

The Statement of Agreement does not endorse any particular approach to addressing the structural imbalance in revenues and costs.  Some have questioned why the Statement, unlike the DU Center Reports, suggests no blue print for the future.  The answer is that the modest goal for the Statement is merely to recognize that a structural problem exists and to commit to work together to build consensus around a solution.  It is early in the process, but several members of the alliance have already signed the Statement, including Colorado League of Women Voters, Colorado Nonprofit Association, Bell Policy Center, CAPE Retirees, Colorado Children’s Campaign, Great Education Colorado, Colorado Association of School Executives, Colorado Center on Law and Policy, and Colorado Community Health Network.

V.  CONCLUSION

As demonstrated by the DU Center study, in twelve years not only will there be insufficient funding for our courts, there will be no funding available from our General Fund.  Adequate financial support for our state courts is an essential component of providing our citizens their constitutional right of access to justice.  The Colorado Bar Association has been a leader in understanding and responding to the need for an adequately funded, independent judiciary.  The Colorado Reform Roundtable’s Statement of Agreement provides a small but critical next step on that path of leadership.

Judge Steve C. Briggs (Retired) is the Colorado Bar Association Representative on the Colorado Reform Roundtable.

The Colorado Reform Roundtable, the Colorado Bar Association, and the Fiscal Crisis Facing the Colorado Judicial System (Part 1)

Editor’s Note: This is the first part of a two-part article on the Colorado Reform Roundtable and the proposed Statement of Agreement. Part 2 can be read here.

I. INTRODUCTION

The Colorado Bar Association in February 2010 appointed a representative to the Colorado Reform Roundtable (CRR).  As described in a Denver Post article in October 2009, CRR is a “loose alliance founded by 10 organizations representing business, labor and nonprofit groups, [which] resembles the coalition that helped pass Referendum C in 2005.”  The ten founding “conveners” of CRR were the Denver Metro Chamber of Commerce, Colorado Forum, Club 20, Bell Policy Center, Colorado Concern, Colorado’s Future, the Colorado Fiscal Policy Institute, the Colorado Education Association, Colorado WINS, and the Service Employees International Union.  CRR was formed to address the fiscal and constitutional challenges facing Colorado government.

The conveners of CRR are requesting that the members of the alliance respond to a proposed Statement of Agreement.  The Statement addresses the sources of the worsening imbalance between revenues and costs for essential public systems, which includes our judicial system.

This article will summarize why the CBA became involved with CRR, beginning with the CBA’s involvement in similar endeavors in the last few years; describe some of CRR’s activities to date; provide an overview of the status of Colorado’s current and worsening fiscal crisis, with a focus on our Colorado judicial system; and conclude with a discussion of the current CRR request to its members.

II. CBA INVOLVEMENT IN COLORADO’S FISCAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL CHALLENGES

As stated in the CBA bylaws, the objects of the CBA include securing the more efficient administration of justice and encouraging the adoption of proper legislation.  At the meeting of the Board of Governors in February 2004, the funding crisis in Colorado government was a topic of concern because of the impact on our state courts.  Wade Buchanan, President of the Bell Policy Center, presented information about initiatives that were being drafted to address some of the unanticipated problems created by TABOR, the so-called Taxpayers’ Bill of Rights.

Following that meeting, the CBA Executive Council adopted a resolution in support of the proposed Economic Recovery Act.  The proposed ballot initiative would amend TABOR and allow more revenues to be generated and retained.  For political reasons the campaign did not go forward at that time.

The following year, however, a bipartisan coalition was formed to campaign for the passage of Referenda C and D.  Referendum C would suspend the TABOR revenue limits through 2010 and end its downward ratchet effect on the budgets.  The CBA supported the campaign on the basis that, even though the proposed amendment of TABOR would direct the additional funds to government functions other than the courts, the remaining funds would be freed up to assist in part with the judicial funding crisis.  In the 2005 election Referendum D was defeated, but Referendum C passed.  As expected, in the next fiscal year more funds were made available for funding the courts.

Over the next few years, however, an economic downturn worsened the state funding crisis, including funding for the courts.  In addition, the relief from the TABOR revenue limits provided by Referendum C was to expire at the end of fiscal year 2009-2010.  Without further action, the revenue limits would again cap any additional funds that an economic recovery might generate.  As a result, the CBA in 2008 supported Amendment 59, known as “SAFE.”  Amendment 59 would have provided permanent relief from the TABOR revenue limits by permitting Colorado to use funds which would otherwise have been refunded to taxpayers to fund a savings account for education.  The expected result again was that the use of the excess funds for education would relieve pressure to cut funding for other purposes, including the Colorado courts.  Amendment 59 did not pass.

During the same time, tension among several of the ballot initiated constitutional provisions, such as TABOR, Gallagher, and Amendment 23, was contributing to the fiscal crisis.  It was becoming apparent that any long term solution to the fiscal crisis needed to include a revision to the state constitution to make it more difficult to amend the constitution with ballot initiatives requiring only a simple majority vote.   In 2008 the Executive Council therefore also voted to support Referendum O, a ballot initiative to make it more difficult to amend the state constitution while making it easier to enact statutes.  Referendum O likewise did not pass.  Similar legislative referenda died on the last day of the next two legislative sessions.

The economic downturn continued.  In addition, three new ballot initiatives, commonly known as Amendments 60 and 61 and Proposition 101, were submitted for the 2010 election.  If passed by a simple majority vote, their combined impact would have been debilitating on the functioning of state government, including the judiciary.  Because the purpose of CRR is to seek nonpartisan solutions to these continuing fiscal and constitutional challenges, the CBA authorized a representative to participate with CRR, but not to take any action without CBA approval.  With the help of an expensive educational campaign, which the CBA supported, those three initiatives were defeated.  In the meantime, however, the five-year timeout from the TABOR limit provided by Referendum C expired.

Judge Steve C. Briggs (Retired) is the Colorado Bar Association Representative on the Colorado Reform Roundtable.

Spark the Discussion: The Inevitability of Marijuana Legalization

“Spark the Discussion” is a monthly Legal Connection column highlighting the hottest trends in the emerging field of medical marijuana law. This column is brought to you by Vicente Sederberg, LLC, a full-service, community-focused medical marijuana law firm.

In an impressive step forward in citizen activism, advocacy groups in both Colorado and Washington recently turned in ample signatures to place marijuana legalization measures on the 2012 Presidential ballot in their respective states.  These measures, which seek to regulate marijuana like alcohol at the statewide level—limiting its use to those 21 and over and requiring sales to take place in strictly regulated stores—would shake the foundation of the nation’s long-standing and increasingly unpopular War on Drugs.  And here’s the kicker: these measures are likely to pass.

Both national and local polling shows the country trending toward marijuana reform.  For the first time in thirty years of polling, the Gallup poll showed a record-high 50% of Americans support making marijuana legal.  This data is matched by a series of regional polls that show western states, in particular, are ready to end the decades-old policy of marijuana prohibition.

Why this surge in support?  Increasingly, marijuana reform is being recognized as a pressing social justice issue that demands attention.  At a recent drug policy reform conference in Los Angeles, Ira Glasser, former head of the national ACLU, gave an impassioned speech citing the Drug War’s disparate impact of people of color and likening the nation’s drug laws with Jim Crow laws.  This sentiment has been echoed by the NAACP, who came out in support of a California measure to legalize marijuana in 2010 with Hilary O. Shelton, vice president of advocacy for the NAACP, saying “We are usually conservative in terms of the issues that we support, but disproportionate prosecution of [African-Americans for] drug-related offenses for marijuana has called us to fight for decriminalization in our community.”

Joining this call for reform are increasing numbers of Latinos, an important and growing section of the electorate, who are growing weary of racial profiling and the inescapable disproportionate racial impact of current drug laws.  Studies indicate that Latinos are arrested for marijuana possession at much higher rates than whites, despite their lower usage rate.  For major cities in California, the 2006-08 arrest rate for Latinos is two to three times higher than for whites.  In New York City, the rate is almost four times higher.  Minority communities are becoming increasingly weary of the collateral consequences experienced by those convicted of drug possession offenses, consequences like denial of federal student loan and housing benefits and lifelong difficulty in securing employment due to a lingering “criminal” record.

In Colorado, where 69% of people in state prisons for drug offenses are people of color, the pending Regulate Marijuana Like Alcohol Act is inspiring a coalition of supporters that includes leaders in the Latino community like Kim Cordova, president of the state’s largest union, and civil rights organizations like the ACLU and the Colorado Criminal Defense Bar.  Just last week, columnists from both sides of the political spectrum penned their support for legalization in both the conservative Colorado Springs Gazette and the mainstream Denver Post.

Together these groups represent the changing face of the drug policy reform movement with impacted parties, opinion makers, and civil rights defenders adding their voices to the call for systemic change.  Given national opinion trends and a growing and diverse coalition in support of reform, it seems increasingly likely that this targeted push back signals the beginning of the end of the failed policy of marijuana prohibition.

Brian Vicente, Esq., is a founding member of Vicente Consulting, LLC, a law firm providing legal solutions for the medical marijuana community. He also serves as executive director of Sensible Colorado, the state’s leading non-profit working for medical marijuana patients and providers. Brian is the chair of the Denver Mayor’s Marijuana Policy Review Panel, serves on the Colorado Department of Revenue Medical Marijuana Oversight Panel, and coordinates the Colorado Bar Association’s Drug Policy Project.

The opinions and views expressed by Featured Bloggers on CBA-CLE Legal Connection do not necessarily represent the opinions and views of the Colorado Bar Association, the Denver Bar Association, or CBA-CLE, and should not be construed as such.

Spark the Discussion: Broken Promises and Federal Threats – A Roller Coaster for the Medical Marijuana Industry

“Spark the Discussion” is a monthly Legal Connection column highlighting the hottest trends in the emerging field of medical marijuana law. This column is brought to you by Vicente Sederberg, LLC, a full-service, community-focused medical marijuana law firm.

By Christian Sederberg and Joshua Kappel

Medical Marijuana activists were ecstatic when President Barack Obama was elected in 2008 due to his campaign promises that an Obama administration would not use the U.S. Justice Department’s limited resources on circumventing state medical marijuana laws.

Shortly after President Obama’s inauguration, he appeared to be honoring that commitment. On October 19, 2009, then Deputy U.S. Attorney General David W. Ogden published a memorandum directing various U.S. Attorneys’ offices to not use “federal resources in [their respective] States on individuals whose actions are in clear and unambiguous compliance with existing state laws providing for the medical use of marijuana.” In response, medical marijuana activists and patients in Colorado and around the country began to step out of the darkness in large numbers. In Colorado, tens of thousands of patients signed up to receive their state medical marijuana cards from the Colorado Department of Public Health and Environment and numerous individuals began opening up small businesses to help patients obtain the medicine that their doctor had recommended to them. Due in large part to the need to regulate this rapidly expanding industry, the Colorado state legislature passed strict laws in the 2010 legislative session that created a statewide regulatory scheme for medical marijuana businesses.  Several other states quickly followed suit, and the so-called “green rush” was in full force. After facing hundreds of raids under President Bush’s administration, there was a great sense that the future was bright for the nation’s medical marijuana community.

However, things started to change in the first two years of Obama’s presidency. In February of 2011, Melinda Haag, the United States Attorney for the Northern District of California, sent a memo threatening federal criminal enforcement in response to a proposal by the city of Oakland to license large scale medical marijuana cultivation facilities that seemed to be outside the scope of California’s medical marijuana laws. This sparked a flurry of similar memos from various U.S. Attorneys reaffirming their commitment to enforce the federal Controlled Substance Act (CSA), including a memo from the recently appointed Colorado U.S. Attorney John Walsh and another memo from the Deputy U.S. Attorney General, James Cole. All of these memos maintained that prosecuting patients and their immediate caregivers was not a high enforcement priority of the federal government, but emphasized that the federal government reserves the right to prosecute anyone who violates the CSA, particularly large-scale, commercial medical marijuana businesses.

During this tumultuous time, the Colorado medical marijuana industry remained hesitantly optimistic because the federal government had taken what appeared to be a “hands off” approach to the state’s closely-regulated medical marijuana industry.  On December 8, 2011, that optimism grew when U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder reaffirmed—while being questioned by Colorado’s Rep. Jared Polis– that targeting Colorado medical marijuana businesses conforming with state laws is not a high priority for the federal government.  Watch the video here.

In a striking turn, the following week various news agencies reported that a confidential federal official was claiming that the government was considering a “crackdown” in Colorado on any medical marijuana business located near a school, despite an express allowance in the Colorado Medical Marijuana Code, C.R.S. 12-43.3-101 et seq., permitting localities to allow such businesses within a 1000 feet of a school. The federal crackdown will reportedly take the form of “landlord letters”, similar to the letters sent to landlords in California earlier this year, demanding that the landlord evict their medical marijuana business tenants within 45 days or face federal asset forfeiture.

The most recent letters in California did result in many businesses closing their storefront operations or relocating, even though there has been little actual federal enforcement action.

Matt Cook, the former head of the Colorado Department of Revenue’s Enforcement Division and considered by some to be the father of Colorado’s Medical Marijuana Code, found a silver lining in the recent federal threats.  Mr. Cook told the Denver Medical Marijuana Work Group on December 14, 2011 that the federal government’s actions could be seen as an implicit endorsement of our highly regulated system, specifically as it relates to all medical marijuana businesses not within 1000 feet of a school.

If President Obama breaks his campaign promise to respect state medical marijuana laws and his local US Attorneys make good on their threats, the President risks losing the votes of over 88,000 Colorado medical marijuana patients, their families, and supporters– which could make his path to reelection much more difficult in this battleground state.

Christian Sederberg, Esq., is a founding member of Vicente Consulting, LLC, a law firm providing legal solutions for the medical marijuana community. Christian has focused his practice on representing small and medium sized businesses, with a primary focus on real estate, commercial and business transactions. In addition, he provides general guidance to medical marijuana businesses, ancillary businesses, and caregivers about local and state medical marijuana ordinances, regulations and laws.

Joshua Kappel, Esq., recently graduated in the top 10% of his class at the University of Denver, Sturm College of Law. While in law school, Josh received both the Patton Boggs Public Policy Fellowship and the Public Interest Law Clerkship to work for Sensible Colorado. Josh also  interned with the National ACLU’s Drug Law Reform Project in Santa Cruz and the Colorado Criminal Defense Bar. 

The opinions and views expressed by Featured Bloggers on CBA-CLE Legal Connection do not necessarily represent the opinions and views of the Colorado Bar Association, the Denver Bar Association, or CBA-CLE, and should not be construed as such.

Spark the Discussion: Election Day 2011 – A Mixed Bag for Medical Marijuana in Colorado

“Spark the Discussion” is a monthly Legal Connection column highlighting the hottest trends in the emerging field of medical marijuana law. This column is brought to you by Vicente Sederberg, LLC, a full-service, community-focused medical marijuana law firm.

Election day has come and gone and, once again, numerous Colorado towns weighed in on marijuana policy.  Most notably, four communities rejected bans on medical marijuana businesses (Steamboat Springs, Oak Creek, Routt County, and Palisade) and three areas endorsed bans (Fort Collins, Yampa, and Brush).  A number of communities (Breckenridge, Commerce City, and Palisade) voted to enact higher taxes on medical marijuana sales.

Colorado has a rich history of tackling marijuana policy in the voting booth and most of these reform measures make their way to voters through the ballot initiative process.  Ballot initiatives are a form of “direct democracy” where a group of citizens gather signatures to place a measure on a local or state ballot.  The first Colorado community to use this process to shape marijuana laws was Breckenridge which passed a pro-medical marijuana initiative in 1994.  Next up was Amendment 20, Colorado’s landmark medical marijuana constitutional measure, passed by 56% of voters in the year 2000.  After that we saw campus initiatives which “equalized” marijuana and alcohol penalties under the student code of conduct pass in 2005 at both Colorado University and Colorado State University.  That same year Denver became the first city in history to legalize possession of small amounts of marijuana under its city code, while Telluride narrowly rejected a reform measure. Winding up the decade, both Breckenridge and Nederland passed progressive reforms relating to adult marijuana possession by wide margins.

We are now witnessing a backlash where, after almost two decades of voters passing pro-marijuana reform measures,  citizens in certain communities are banding together to advance anti-marijuana initiatives.  Most of these initiatives seek to ban dispensaries and other medical marijuana business from operating in the targeted community.   As noted above, these “prohibition measures” have been met with mixed feelings by voters.  As an example, last week’s vote to ban medical marijuana businesses in Fort Collins was stunningly close, with only 52% of voters supporting it.

Moving forward, we are likely to see more bans and medical marijuana taxes appear on local ballots as Colorado communities continue to grapple with this new policy topic.  However, the true pulse of Colorado voters will be measured by their support (or rejection) of the statewide marijuana legalization measure, the Initiative to Regulate Marijuana Like Alcohol.  Proponents of this initiative, of which I am one, believe that Colorado would be better off with marijuana being treated like alcohol—taxed, sold from licensed stores, and limited to use by adults 21 and older.  With about 118,000 signatures in hand (and a goal of 145,000) the campaign is poised to place the measure on the 2012 presidential ballot, thereby continuing Colorado’s vibrant conversation about marijuana policy.

Brian Vicente, Esq., is a founding member of Vicente Consulting, LLC, a law firm providing legal solutions for the medical marijuana community. He also serves as executive director of Sensible Colorado, the state’s leading non-profit working for medical marijuana patients and providers. Brian is the chair of the Denver Mayor’s Marijuana Policy Review Panel, serves on the Colorado Department of Revenue Medical Marijuana Oversight Panel, and coordinates the Colorado Bar Association’s Drug Policy Project.

The opinions and views expressed by Featured Bloggers on CBA-CLE Legal Connection do not necessarily represent the opinions and views of the Colorado Bar Association, the Denver Bar Association, or CBA-CLE, and should not be construed as such.

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